英語長文多読(大学入試・受験英語)

大学入試の英語長文をたくさん読みましょう。質問はコメントで。

使い方

目次

 TUFS 東京外国語大学

早稲田 早稲田大学

日英記事 (日本語訳付きの英語新聞記事)

TED(TED TALK

 

使い方

続きを読む

Tyler DeWitt "Hey science teachers — make it fun" TED

①日本語字幕で動画を見る。

スクリプト(↓)を精読。

③英語字幕(or字幕なし)で動画を見る。

※慣れてきたら①は英語字幕か字幕なしでもOK。

 

00:16
Let me tell you a story.


00:17
It's my first year as a new high school science teacher, and I'm so eager. I'm so excited, I'm pouring myself into my lesson plans. But I'm slowly coming to this horrifying realization that my students just might not be learning anything.


00:37
This happens one day: I'd just assigned my class to read this textbook chapter about my favorite subject in all of biology: viruses and how they attack. And so I'm so excited to discuss this with them, and I come in and I say, "Can somebody please explain the main ideas and why this is so cool?"


01:00
There's silence. Finally, my favorite student, she looks me straight in the eye, and she says, "The reading sucked." And then she clarified. She said, "You know what, I don't mean that it sucks. It means that I didn't understand a word of it. It's boring. Um, who cares, and it sucks."


01:22
These sympathetic smiles spread all throughout the room now, and I realize that all of my other students are in the same boat, that maybe they took notes or they memorized definitions from the textbook, but not one of them really understood the main ideas. Not one of them can tell me why this stuff is so cool, why it's so important.


01:48
I'm totally clueless. I have no idea what to do next. So the only thing I can think of is say, "Listen. Let me tell you a story. The main characters in the story are bacteria and viruses. These guys are blown up a couple million times. The real bacteria and viruses are so small we can't see them without a microscope, and you guys might know bacteria and viruses because they both make us sick. But what a lot of people don't know is that viruses can also make bacteria sick."


02:27
Now, the story that I start telling my kids, it starts out like a horror story. Once upon a time there's this happy little bacterium. Don't get too attached to him. Maybe he's floating around in your stomach or in some spoiled food somewhere, and all of a sudden he starts to not feel so good. Maybe he ate something bad for lunch, and then things get really horrible, as his skin rips apart, and he sees a virus coming out from his insides. And then it gets horrible when he bursts open and an army of viruses floods out from his insides. If -- Ouch is right! -- If you see this, and you're a bacterium, this is like your worst nightmare. But if you're a virus and you see this, you cross those little legs of yours and you think, "We rock." Because it took a lot of crafty work to infect this bacterium. Here's what had to happen. A virus grabbed onto a bacterium and it slipped its DNA into it. The next thing is, that virus DNA made stuff that chopped up the bacteria DNA. And now that we've gotten rid of the bacteria DNA, the virus DNA takes control of the cell and it tells it to start making more viruses. Because, you see, DNA is like a blueprint that tells living things what to make. So this is kind of like going into a car factory and replacing the blueprints with blueprints for killer robots. The workers still come the next day, they do their job, but they're following different instructions. So replacing the bacteria DNA with virus DNA turns the bacteria into a factory for making viruses -- that is, until it's so filled with viruses that it bursts. But that's not the only way that viruses infect bacteria. Some are much more crafty. When a secret agent virus infects a bacterium, they do a little espionage. Here, this cloaked, secret agent virus is slipping his DNA into the bacterial cell, but here's the kicker: It doesn't do anything harmful -- not at first. Instead, it silently slips into the bacteria's own DNA, and it just stays there like a terrorist sleeper cell, waiting for instructions. And what's interesting about this is now whenever this bacteria has babies, the babies also have the virus DNA in them. So now we have a whole extended bacteria family, filled with virus sleeper cells. They're just happily living together until a signal happens and -- BAM! -- all of the DNA pops out. It takes control of these cells, turns them into virus-making factories, and they all burst, a huge, extended bacteria family, all dying with viruses spilling out of their guts, the viruses taking over the bacterium. So now you understand how viruses can attack cells. There are two ways: On the left is what we call the lytic way, where the viruses go right in and take over the cells. On the [right] is the lysogenic way that uses secret agent viruses.


06:20
So this stuff is not that hard, right? And now all of you understand it. But if you've graduated from high school, I can almost guarantee you've seen this information before. But I bet it was presented in a way that it didn't exactly stick in your mind.


06:37
So when my students were first learning this, why did they hate it so much? Well, there were a couple of reasons.


06:45
First of all, I can guarantee you that their textbooks didn't have secret agent viruses, and they didn't have horror stories. You know, in the communication of science there is this obsession with seriousness. It kills me. I'm not kidding. I used to work for an educational publisher, and as a writer, I was always told never to use stories or fun, engaging language, because then my work might not be viewed as "serious" and "scientific." Right? I mean, because God forbid somebody have fun when they're learning science. So we have this field of science that's all about slime, and color changes. Check this out. And then we have, of course, as any good scientist has to have, explosions! But if a textbook seems too much fun, it's somehow unscientific.


07:55
Now another problem was that the language in their textbook was truly incomprehensible. If we want to summarize that story that I told you earlier, we could start by saying something like, "These viruses make copies of themselves by slipping their DNA into a bacterium." The way this showed up in the textbook, it looked like this: "Bacteriophage replication is initiated through the introduction of viral nucleic acid into a bacterium." That's great, perfect for 13-year-olds.


08:30
But here's the thing. There are plenty of people in science education who would look at this and say there's no way that we could ever give that to students, because it contains some language that isn't completely accurate. For example, I told you that viruses have DNA. Well, a very tiny fraction of them don't. They have something called RNA instead. So a professional science writer would circle that and say, "That has to go. We have to change it to something much more technical." And after a team of professional science editors went over this really simple explanation, they'd find fault with almost every word I've used, and they'd have to change anything that wasn't serious enough, and they'd have to change everything that wasn't 100 percent perfect. Then it would be accurate, but it would be completely impossible to understand. This is horrifying.


09:26
You know, I keep talking about this idea of telling a story, and it's like science communication has taken on this idea of what I call the tyranny of precision, where you can't just tell a story. It's like science has become that horrible storyteller that we all know, who gives us all the details nobody cares about, where you're like, "Oh, I met my friend for lunch the other day, and she was wearing these ugly jeans. I mean, they weren't really jeans, they were more kind of, like, leggings, but, like, I guess they're actually kind of more like jeggings, like, but I think — " and you're just like, "Oh my God. What is the point?" Or even worse, science education is becoming like that guy who always says, "Actually." Right? You want to be like, "Oh, dude, we had to get up in the middle of the night and drive a hundred miles in total darkness." And that guy's like, "Actually, it was 87.3 miles." And you're like, "Actually, shut up! I'm just trying to tell a story."


10:32
Because good storytelling is all about emotional connection. We have to convince our audience that what we're talking about matters. But just as important is knowing which details we should leave out so that the main point still comes across. I'm reminded of what the architect Mies van der Rohe said, and I paraphrase, when he said that sometimes you have to lie in order to tell the truth. I think this sentiment is particularly relevant to science education.


11:09
Now, finally, I am often so disappointed when people think that I'm advocating a dumbing down of science. That's not true at all. I'm currently a Ph.D. student at MIT, and I absolutely understand the importance of detailed, specific scientific communication between experts, but not when we're trying to teach 13-year-olds. If a young learner thinks that all viruses have DNA, that's not going to ruin their chances of success in science. But if a young learner can't understand anything in science and learns to hate it because it all sounds like this, that will ruin their chances of success.


12:02
This needs to stop, and I wish that the change could come from the institutions at the top that are perpetuating these problems, and I beg them, I beseech them to just stop it. But I think that's unlikely. So we are so lucky that we have resources like the Internet, where we can circumvent these institutions from the bottom up. There's a growing number of online resources that are dedicated to just explaining science in simple, understandable ways. I dream of a Wikipedia-like website that would explain any scientific concept you can think of in simple language any middle schooler can understand. And I myself spend most of my free time making these science videos that I put on YouTube. I explain chemical equilibrium using analogies to awkward middle school dances, and I talk about fuel cells with stories about boys and girls at a summer camp. The feedback that I get is sometimes misspelled and it's often written in LOLcats, but nonetheless it's so appreciative, so thankful that I know this is the right way we should be communicating science.


13:27
There's still so much work left to be done, though, and if you're involved with science in any way I urge you to join me. Pick up a camera, start to write a blog, whatever, but leave out the seriousness, leave out the jargon. Make me laugh. Make me care. Leave out those annoying details that nobody cares about and just get to the point. How should you start? Why don't you say, "Listen, let me tell you a story"?


14:02
Thank you.


14:04
(Applause)

早稲田国際教養2011 大問Ⅱ

II

①A feature of English in the last 200 years or so has been the birth of a number of national varieties. It is important to note, however, that the different varieties are relatively similar to each other; for the most part, speakers of one variety can understand speakers of another without much difficulty since the grammar of English is essentially the same around the world. The varieties differ in a relatively small amount of vocabulary, which usually serves to make a variety interesting rather than particularly difficult to understand. The main difference between varieties is usually in the pronunciation, which can make comprehension difficult, but which has little to do with the underlying structure of the language itself. English started its international expansion only a few centuries ago and that has not been enough time for major differences among varieties to develop. Also, English-speaking countries tend to be highly literate. This, combined with the development of mass communications, has exposed most speakers to the standard forms of English, and this in turn has tended to limit major variation. Therefore, when we speak of the differences in national varieties, it is important to remember just how similar all the forms of English are.

 

②So the varieties of English are relatively similar around the world at present, but will this situation last? In the short term, the answer is probably yes. Language change takes time, and we are unlikely to see big changes in the near future. But beyond this, language change is very difficult to predict. It depends on the factors that support or suppress language diversification, and to understand these, we need to understand the purposes for ( a ) a language is used. According to David Graddol, a British linguist who has written on the future of English, English has two main functions in the world: as a means of international communication and as a means to create cultural identities. The first function serves to push English toward greater uniformity, with the ideal being a "standard international variety" of English that people all around the world could speak, thus making international communication easier. However, the second function leads to an increasing number of local or regional varieties, each of which is identified with a local culture. In this way, the people of a particular place can possess their own version of English, thus maintaining their cultural identity while at the same time gaining the benefits of using a language which is well-known internationally.

 

③Given the prominent position of English in the world today, it might be assumed that the "international communication" function will win out and that the varieties of English will eventually merge into a single World Standard English. This may well happen, given English's very strong position at present, but it is not guaranteed. There are a number of factors that may cause a World Standard English not to develop. First, the priority of printing (which leads to a standard form) is weakening, with more electronic forms of information available online all the time. The new electronic technology often leads to the creation of forms of English that are shortened and which are different from the standard written language in various ways; ( b ), e-mail is currently one of the most common forms of electronic information transfer, and it is often written in a stream of consciousness fashion and sent without being spell-checked or revised. In this way, it often resembles conversation more than conventional written language. This is not surprising, because the original reasons for e-mail were its speed and convenience, and the need to revise carefully would reduce these advantages.

 

④Another recent phenomenon is text messaging on mobile phones. The phones do not have a full keyboard, and keying in text messages via the number keyboard is somewhat awkward; ( c ), users use abbreviations and symbols to minimize the number of keystrokes required. Also, some phone companies limit text messages to a certain number of characters (for example, 160 characters, including spaces), which encourages the use of various shortened forms. Some examples are given below.

 

b4

before

f?

(do you want to be)

friends?

gdm8

g'day mate

hf

have fun

musm

miss you so much

u r

you are

 

⑤The following text dialogue between two University of Nottingham students contains a number of short forms.

Student A:          Hey how r u ? went 2 C band iast nite wit Matt. Was gr8. Went 4 drink after @ Crown. U? x

Student B:          Had a good 1 wit Ben. Cooked me meal, Chick + pasta, notin' changes! U in 4 dnr?

Student A:          Yep, lectures til 5. CU then, x

 

The full English translations of these messages would look like this:

 

Student A:   Hey, how are you ? I went to see a band last night with Matt. It was great. We went for drinks after at the Crown pub. How about you ? (kiss)

Student B:          I had a good one (evening) with Ben. He cooked me a meal, chicken and pasta. Nothing changes! Are you coming for dinner ?

Student A:          Yes. I have lectures until 5 p.m. See you then, (kiss)

 

⑥E-mail and text messaging and the shortcuts they use have raised many questions relating to the spelling and presentation of English. Because speed is important in both, normal rules of capitalization and spelling are often ignored, and shortened forms are common. Will these developments affect the writing of English generally ? So far, the effects on the writing system seem to be confined mainly to the matter of capital letters. They are not given high priority, and people who would never normally dream of writing their own name without initial capital letters find themselves doing so in electronic addresses (e.g., firstname.lastname@somewhere.com). Use of small letters ( d ) capitals in the texts of e-mails is increasingly common, and teachers have noticed the habit in students' homework, too. It is also becoming more common in other areas as well, such as advertising.

 

⑦Thus, electronic forms of communication are producing new written forms of English and some of these reduce the distinction between the written and the spoken forms of the language. This may be more acceptable to societies now than before, as there appears to be a general movement toward a greater tolerance of diversity. Whereas in former times there might have been complaints about incorrectly written English, nowadays people seem increasingly comfortable with the idea that different types of English might be suitable for different purposes and media. These trends may push toward greater diversification of English rather than toward standardization.

 

⑧A second factor possibly acting against the establishment of a World Standard English is the changing nature of broadcasting. Initially, the development of satellite broadcasting had a unifying influence on English, as large numbers of people in many countries around the world were exposed to standard varieties. But the people watching these programs were mainly the educated and wealthy viewers, ( e ) formed only a small percentage of the potential audience. Because of this, there is now a trend toward international broadcasters "localizing" their programming to reach wider audiences. This involves shaping the programming to the local context, with more locally created material, using local talent, and broadcasting in the local language. Thus, the formerly unifying nature of satellite broadcasting may instead turn into a force for diversification.

 

⑨A third factor is the nature of English language teaching (ELT). Previously, most of the internationally available, commercially produced materials have used a small number of varieties, most notably American, British, and Australian English, leading to a similar underlying English being taught. The existing commercial ELT producers are unlikely to go away, ( f ) other producers will probably join them. As regional Englishes develop, and perhaps become widely used within regional economic trade zones, countries in those zones may begin to publish aggressively and promote their own materials. It is not difficult to predict that this will happen in China, ( g ) there is a huge internal market, and a number of Chinese publishers are working to meet demand. These publishers may also attempt to market their material in the wider Asian region, especially as China becomes economically more powerful. We can already see similar things happening in other countries. Malaysia is working to become a provider, rather than a recipient, of English language education, exporting English materials to other countries around the region and setting up universities to attract students from around the Southern Hemisphere. The overall effect may be that teaching materials in a number of English varieties will compete for ELT business, thus moving away from the standardized ELT materials in use at present.

 

⑩In sum, the prominent position of English in the world today suggests that English may well become more unified in the future. However, there are also several factors working against this. Graddol suggests that the most likely scenario for English in the future is that a number of English varieties will continue to compete for usage in the world.

 

(1) Choose the best way to complete the following sentences about paragraphs ① to ⑨. Do not use the same answer twice.

1 Paragraph ① describes

2 Paragraph ② describes

3 Paragraph ③ describes

4 Paragraph ④ describes

5 Paragraph ⑤ describes

6 Paragraph ⑥ describes

7 Paragraph ⑦ describes

8 Paragraph ⑧ describes

9 Paragraph ⑨ describes

 

A an example text message together with a standard English version of the same message.

B how electronic communication compares to spoken and written English.

C how publishers in Asia are beginning to produce materials for English teaching.

D how students are beginning to use e-mail abbreviations in their homework.

E how the design of mobile phones has had an effect on the way English is used in text messages.

F how the different national varieties of English are still quite similar despite differences in pronunciation.

G how World Standard English will develop thanks to the establishment of satellite broadcasting.

H the effect of e-mail and text messaging on the use of capitalization in English.

I the fact that educated and wealthy people are likely to be promoters of World Standard English.

J the fact that English speakers are becoming accustomed to different forms of English for different purposes.

K the functions of language which work to make the varieties of English more similar or more diverse.

L the ways in which satellite broadcasters are adapting their programs to local audiences.

M why people around the world prefer to use teaching materials produced in the U.S., U.K, or Australia.

 

(2) Choose the best word or phrase to put in each of the spaces ( a )  to ( g ). Do not use the same answer twice.

A apart from  B as a result  C but   D for example  E if  F in addition

G instead of  H where  I which  J who

 

印刷用→早稲田国教2011Q2.docx

早稲田国際教養2011 大問Ⅰ

I

Answer the questions below after reading the following passage.

①Human intelligence is a puzzle. Although using IQ scores as a measurement of intelligence is controversial, some scientists believe we can use them to argue that intelligence is higher, on average, in some places than in others. And it seems to have been rising in recent decades. Why these two things should be true is also controversial. Recently, however, a group of researchers at the University of New Mexico have suggested the same explanation for both: the effect of 1)infectious disease. If they are right, it suggests that the control of such diseases is crucial to a country's development in a way that had not been understood before. Countries that have a lot of 2)parasites and 3)pathogens not only suffer the weakening effects of disease on their workforces, but also on the personal development of individuals.

Japanese→*1

 

②Christopher Eppig and his colleagues make their suggestion in the Proceedings of the Royal Society. They note that the brains of newly- born children require 87% of those children's 4)metabolic energy. In 4 five-year-olds the figure is still 44% and even in adults the brain ― a mere 2 % of the body's weight ― uses about a quarter of the body's energy. Any competition for this energy is likely to damage the brain's development, and parasites and pathogens compete for it in various ways. Some feed on the host's body directly to reproduce. Some, particularly those that live in the stomach, can prevent a person absorbing food. And all parasites and pathogens provoke the host's 5)immune system into activity, which prevents valuable energy from being used for more productive purposes.

Japanese→*2

 

③There is a clear relationship between a country's disease burden and the average IQ scores of its people. The higher the country's disease burden, the lower the average IQ scores of its people. This is an example of an inverse correlation. To calculate the disease burden, the researchers used data from the World Health Organization (WHO). The WHO has developed the concept of a "disability-adjusted life year" (DALY), which is a measure of overall disease burden. The DALY measures not only potential years of life lost due to early death, but also years of healthy life lost by a person as a result of their being in a condition of poor health or disability.

Japanese→*3

 

The WHO is able to calculate the DALYs which are lost as a result of the impact of 28 infectious diseases. These data exist for 192 countries. The IQ scores came from work carried out earlier this decade by Richard Lynn, a British psychologist, and Tatu Vanhanen, a Finnish political scientist, who analyzed IQ studies from 113 countries, and from subsequent work by Jelte Wicherts, a Dutch psychologist.

Japanese→*4

 

⑤At the bottom of the list of average IQ scores is Equatorial Guinea, followed by St Lucia. Cameroon, Mozambique and Gabon tie at third from bottom. These countries are also among those that have the highest infectious disease burden. At the top of the list of countries with the highest average IQ score is Singapore, followed by South Korea. China and Japan tie in third place. These countries all have relatively low levels of disease. America, Britain and a number of European countries follow behind the leaders.

Japanese→*5

 

⑤The correlation between disease burden and lower IQ scores is about 67%, and the possibility that this strong statistical relationship occurred by chance is less than one in 10,000. Researchers are always trying to identify strong statistical correlations. They then hope to be able to explain the cause of these correlations. There may be many different possible causes, and researchers have to examine as many possible causes as they can, to give themselves a better chance of identifying the real cause correctly. As scientists say, "correlation is not causation" identifying a statistical relationship does not explain why that relationship exists ― so Mr. Eppig and his colleagues tried to eliminate other possible explanations.

Japanese→*6

 

⑥Previous research teams have tried to suggest that income, education, low levels of agricultural labor (which is replaced by more mentally stimulating jobs), and climate (the challenge of surviving extreme weather might provoke the evolution of intelligence) could all be explanations for national differences in IQ scores. However, most of these possible causes are also likely to be linked to disease. By careful statistical analysis, Mr. Eppig and his colleagues show that all of these alternative possible causes of the correlation either disappear or are reduced to a small effect, when the consequences of disease are taken into account.

Japanese→*7

 

⑦Importantly, there is also clear evidence that infections and parasites, such as 6)malaria and 7)intestinal worms, have a negative effect on the development of the brain. A study of children in Kenya who survived the version of malaria that occurs in the brain suggests that one-eighth of them suffer long-term damage. In the view of Mr. Eppig and his colleagues, 8)diarrhea is the biggest threat. Diarrhea strikes children 8 hard. It accounts for one-sixth of infant deaths, and even in those it does not kill, it prevents the absorption of food at a time when the brain is growing and developing rapidly.

Japanese→*8

 

⑧The researchers predict that one type of health problem will increase with rising intelligence. 9)Asthma and other allergies are thought by 9 many experts to be rising in frequency because the immune systems of young children, unchallenged by infection, are turning against the cells of the body that they are supposed to protect. Some studies already suggest a correlation between a country's allergy levels and its average IQ. Mr. Eppig and his colleagues predict that future work will confirm this relationship.

Japanese→*9

 

⑨The other prediction, of course, is that as countries conquer disease, the intelligence of their citizens will rise. A rise in IQ scores over the decades has already been noticed in rich countries. It is called the "Flynn effect" after James Flynn, who discovered it. Its cause, however, has been mysterious ― until now. If Mr. Eppig is right, the almost complete absence of serious infections in rich countries, as a result of 10)vaccination, clean water and the proper treatment of human waste, may explain much if not all of the Flynn effect.

Japanese→*10

 

⑩When Dr. Lynn and Dr. Vanhanen originally published their IQ data, they used them to suggest that national differences in intelligence were the main reason for different levels of economic development. This new study reaches the opposite conclusion. It is actually lack of development, and the many health problems this brings, which explains the difference in IQ scores. No doubt, in a vicious circle, those differences help to keep poor countries poor. But the new theory offers a way to break the circle. If further work by researchers supports the ideas of Mr. Eppig and his colleagues, they will have done enormous good by providing policymakers with yet another reason why the elimination of disease should be one of the main aims of development.

Japanese→*11

 

 

(1) Choose the best way to answer each of the questions in accordance with the content of the passage.

1 . Why are researchers especially concerned about the effects of parasites and pathogens on young children ?

A Their developing brains require more energy than those of adults.

B Their immune systems are not yet as developed as those of adults.

C They have a higher rate of infection than adults do.

D They have a lower rate of recovery than adults do.

E None of the above

Answer→*12

 

2. What was the concept of the DALY (disability-adjusted life year) developed to measure ?

A The adjusted average life expectancy

B The daily rate of parasite infections in developing countries

C The inverse correlation between disability and health

D The potential years of active life lost as a result of death or illness

E None of the above

Answer→*13

 

3. How does Japan's DALY score compare to other countries' scores ?

A  As high as Singapore

B  As low as Cameroon

C  Equivalent to that of South Korea

D  Higher than that of China

E  None of the above

Answer→*14

 

4. Which of the following was NOT used by previous researchers to explain national differences in IQ?

A Climate

B Education

C Ethnicity

D fncome

E None of the above

Answer→*15

 

5. What is true of diarrhea according to the passage?

A It causes brain damage in one-eighth of children in Kenya.

B It increases with intelligence.

C It kills 25% of all babies.

D It prevents the absorption of food among children.

E None of the above

Answer→*16

 

6. According to the study by Mr. Eppig and his colleagues, what is the correct sequence of cause and effect?

A Lack of development together with health problems leads to low national IQ scores.

B Low levels of income and education lead to low national IQ scores.

C Low national intelligence leads to lack of development and health problems.

D The challenge of an extreme climate leads to high national IQ scores.

E None of the above.

Answer→*17

 

(2) Which of the following statements agree with what is written in the text? Mark your answers true (T) or false (F).

1. An inverse correlation means that as X increases, Y decreases, or vice versa.

2. A number of studies suggest that there is a positive correlation between the frequency of asthma in a country and that country's average IQ scores.

3. The "disease burden" of a country refers to the cost of providing medical care to people who are ill.

4. The research of Eppig and his colleagues helps to explain why IQ has been rising in rich countries.

5. The research of Eppig and his colleagues largely supports the conclusions of earlier research by Lynn and Vanhanen.

6. The research of Eppig and his colleagues shows that lack of education is an important factor in explaining the national differences in IQ.

Answers→*18

 

印刷用→早稲田国教2011Q1.docx 

*1:

人問の知能というものは,なぞである。知能指数を知能の測定に使うのには議論の余地があるが,ある地域では他の地域よりも平均的に知能が高いということを論ずるために知能指数を使用できると考えている科学者もいる。そして,知能は最近の数十年で上がってきているらしい。この2つの事柄が本当である理由にもまた議論の余地がある。しかし,最近,ニューメキシコ大学のある研究者のグループが,この両方に対して同じ理由説明を提示している。つまり,伝染病の影響だというのである。もし彼らが正しければ,国の発展にとって,そうした病気を抑えることが,これまでには理解されていなかった意味において,きわめて重要だということになる。寄生虫や病原菌が蔓延している国は,労働力を弱めるだけでなく個々の人たちの個人的な発達をも弱めてしまうという,病気の悪影響に悩まされている。

*2:

クリストファー=エッピグとその同僚たちは,『英国王立協会紀要』の中で彼らの提案をしている。彼らは,新生児の脳は,その子の代謝エネルギーの87パーセントを必要とするということに言及している。5歳児でもその数値は44パーセントであり,大人でさえ脳は一体重のほんの2パーセントの重さしかないのに一身体のエネルギーのおよそ4分の1を使っている。このエネルギーを競い合うことは脳の発達を損なうことになる可能性が高いのだが,寄生虫や病原菌はさまざまな方法でこのエネルギーを得ようと競合するのである。宿主の体を直接栄養源として繁殖するものもいる。とりわけ腹部に生息するもののように 人が食物を吸収するのを妨げるものもいる。そして,すべての寄生虫や病原菌は,宿主の免疫システムを刺激して活性化し,そのために貴重なエネルギーがより生産的な目的のために用いられることが妨げられているのである。

*3:

国の疾病負荷とその国民の知能指数の平均値には,はっきりとした関連がある。その国の疾病負荷が高ければ高いほど,国民の平均知能指数は低い。これは逆相関の実例である。疾病負荷を計算するために研究者たちは世界保健機関(WHO)が出しているデータを使った。 WHOは[障害調整生命年](DALY)という概念を展開してきたが,これは全体的な疾病負荷を測るものである。DALYは,早期死亡によって失われる潜在的な寿命だけでなく,人が不健康な状況や障害を負っている状況にある結果として失われる,健康な生命年数も測定する。

*4:

WHOでは,28種の伝染病が及ぼす影響の結果として失われるDALYを計算できる。現在, 192力国に関するデータがある。知能指数は113力国の知能指数調査を分析した,イギリスの心理学者リチャード=リン,フィンランド政治学者タト=ヴァンハネンによってこの10年間の前半に行われた訓査と,オランダの心理学者イェルテエウィヒエルツによるその後の研究によるものである。

*5:

平均知能指数のリストの最下位にあるのは赤道ギニアで,その次がセントルシアである。カメルーンモザンビークガボンが下から3位で並んでいる。これらの国々は,伝染病の疾病負荷がもっとも高い国に含まれてもいる。平均知能指数がもっとも高い国のリストの最上位はシンガポールで,韓国がそれに次ぐ。中国と日本が3位で並んでいる。これらの国々はすべて,疾病のレベルが比較的低い。アメリカ,イギリス,多くのヨーロッパ諸国がこれらトップの国々のあとに続いている。

*6:

疾病負荷と知能指数の低さの相関度はおよそ67パーセントで,こうした統計上の強い関連が偶然に生じたという可能性は1万分の1未満である。研究者たちは常に強固な統計的相関関係を突き止めようと努力している。そして,こうした相関関係の原因を説明できれば,と願っている。多くのさまざまな原因がありうるので,研究者たちは,その本当の原因を正しく特定する可能性を高めるために考えられる原因をできる限り多く調べなくてはならない。科学者たちが言うように「相関関係は因果関係ではない」,つまり,統計氈の関係を特定しても,なぜその関係が存在するのかを説明することにはならないのだ。それで,エッピグ氏と彼の同僚たちは,他の考えられる理由を除外しようと試みた。

*7:

以前の研究チームは,収入,教育,農業労働の位置づけの低さ(これは頭脳にとってより刺激的な仕事に取って代わられるものである),気候(極端な天候の下で生き抜くという難題は知能の発達を促すかもしれない)といったものすべてが,国による知能指数の違いを説明しうると示そうとしてきた。しかし,これらの考えられる原因のほとんどは,病気と関連することが多いものでもある。統計を注意深く分析することによって,エッピグ氏と彼の同僚たちは,件の相関関係を説明するかもしれないこうした諸原因は,病気がもたらす結果を考慮に入れると,除外してしまってよいか,もしくは,わずかな影響に縮約されるということを示している。

*8:

また,重要なことにマラリアや回虫のような伝染病や寄生虫は脳の発達に悪影響を及ぼす,というはっきりとした証拠もある。脳内に生じる種類のマラリアにかかりながらも生き残ったケニアの子どもたちに関する研究では,彼らの8分の1が長期にわたる損傷に悩まされているということが示されている。エッピグ氏と彼の同僚たちの見解では、下痢は最大の脅威だ。下痢は子どもたちに手ひどく襲いかかる。乳児死亡の6件に1件は下痢によるものであり,命を落とさなかった子においても,下痢は,脳が急速に成長・発達している時期に食物の吸収を妨げるのである。

*9:

この研究者たちは,ある種の健康問題は知能の上昇とともに増加するだろうと予測している。ぜん息やその他のアレルギーは,幼い子どもたちの免疫システムが,感染には見舞われていないのに守るべき体の細胞に対して攻撃をしかけているために頻発するようになっていると多くの専門家が考えている。いくつかの研究ではすでに国のアレルギーの度合いとその国の平均知能指数の問に相関関係があることが示唆されている。エッピグ氏と彼の|司僚たちは,今後の研究でこの関係性が裏付けられるだろうと予測している。

*10:

もちろん,もう一方では,各国が病気を克服するにつれて,その国民の知能も上がるだろうという予想がある。裕福な国々ではすでに この数十年間で知能指数が上昇していることが指摘されている。それは,このことを発見したジェームズ=プリンにちなんで「プリン効果」と呼ばれている。しかし,今のところ,その原因はわかっていない。もしエッピグ氏が正しければ,予防接種の結果として裕福な国々では深刻な伝染病がほぼ完全になくなっていることと,きれいな水が供給されていること,そして下水が適切に処理されていることで,プリン効果のすべてとは言わないが,その多くについて説明がつくかもしれない。

*11:

リン博士とヴァンハネン博士が,彼らの調べた知能指数のデータを最初に公表したとき,彼らは,各国の知能の違いが経済的発展の水準の違いの主要な理由であるということを示すためにそのデータを使った。この新しい研究では,それとは逆の結論に至っている。実際には,発展の欠如とそれがもたらす多くの健康上の問題が,まさに,知能指数の違いを説明するものなのである。明らかに、こうした格差が,悪循環の中で,貧しい国を貧しいままにしているのだ。しかし,この新説は,その悪循環を断ち切る手段を与えてくれる。研究者たちがさらなる研究によってエッピグ氏と彼の同僚たちの考えを裏付ければ,病気の根絶が発展の主な目標のひとつであるべきだということのさらにまたひとつの理由を,政策立案者たちに提供するという点で,彼らは非常に素晴らしいことを行ったということになるだろう。

*12:

なぜ研究者たちは,幼い子どもたちに対する寄生虫と病原菌の影響をとりわけ気にするのか

A.◎子どもたちの発達中の脳は,人人の脳よりも多くのエネルギーを必要とする

B.子どもたちの免疫システムはまだ大人ほど発達していない

C.子どもたちは大人よりも感染率が高い

D.子どもたちは大人よりも回復率が低い

E.上記のいずれでもない

*13:

DALY(障害調整生命年)という概念は何を測定するために考え出されたか

A.調整された平均余命

B.発展途上国における1日あたりの寄生虫感染率

C.障害と健康の逆相関

D.◎死亡や病気の結果として失われる活動的な生命の潜在的年数

E.上記のいずれでもない

*14:

日本のDALYの数値は他の国々の数値と比べてどうか

A.シンガポールと同じくらい高い

B.カメルーンと同じくらい低い

C.韓国と等しい

D.中国より高い

E.◎上記のいずれでもない

*15:

以前の研究者たちが,国による知能指数の違いを説明するために使わなかったのは以下のうちのどれか

A.気候 

B.教育 

C.◎民族性 

D.収入 

E.上記のいずれでもない

*16:

この文章によると,下痢について当てはまるものは何か

A.下痢は,ケニアの子どもたちの8分1において,脳の損傷を引き起こしている

B.下痢は知能とともに増加する

C.ロド痢はすべての赤ん坊の25パーセントの命を奪っている

D.◎下痢は,子どもにおいては,食物の吸収を妨げる

E。上記のいずれでもない

*17:

エッピグ氏と彼の同僚たちの研究によると‥正しい囚果関係は何か

A.健康上の問題を伴った発展の欠如が,国の知能指数の低さにつながる

B.収入と教育の水準の低さが,国の知能指数の低さにつながる

C.国の知能の低さが発展の欠如と健康問題につながる

D.極端な気候という難題が,国の知能指数の高さにつながる

E.上記のいずれでもない

*18:

1.(T)逆相関とは,Xが増すにつれてyが減少する,あるいはその逆だということである。

2.(T)たくさんの研究が,国のぜん息の頻発度とその国の平均知能指数の問には,正の相関関係があることを示唆している。

3.(F)ある国の『疾病負荷』とは,病人に対して医療を施すための費用のことである。

4.(T)エッピグと彼の同僚たちの研究は,裕福な国でなぜ知能指数が上がっているのかを説明するのに役立つ。

5.(F)エッピグと彼の同僚たちの研究は,リンとヴァンハネンによる以前の研究の結果を大いに裏付けている。

6.(F)エッピグと彼の同僚たちの研究は,教育の欠如が,国による知能指数の違いを説明する際の重要な要素であることを示している

東京外大 2003 大問Ⅲ

In many ways, the family is the most obvious field of conflict in the culture war. Some would argue that it is an absolute battleground. The public debate over the status and role of women, the increase in family violence, the rise of aggressive behavior among teenagers, the growing demand for adequate kindergartens, and so on, fill the headlines of the nation's newspapers, magazines, and intellectual journals on a daily basis. Public demonstrations, speeches and statements for or against any one of these issues mark the significant events of our generation's political history. One might possibly say that this field of conflict is the beginning and end of the contemporary culture war, for the issues debated in the area of family policy touch upon and may even relate to other fields of conflict ― education, the arts, law and politics. In the final analysis there may be much more to the contemporary culture war than the struggle for the family, yet there is little doubt that the debated issues in the area of family life are central to the larger struggle and are perhaps crucial to other battles being fought.

 

Most who observe the arguments over the family, however, tend to grasp the controversy as a disagreement over how strong the family is. One observer, for example, has described the controversy as one between optimists and pessimists. Both sides, he argued, agree that the family is changing, yet they disagree sharply over the degree, the meaning, and consequences of those changes. The pessimists view rising trends in divorce, single-parent families, double-income couples, couples living outside of marriage, and the like, as symptoms of the decline of the family. The optimists, on the other hand, regard the changes as positive at best and lacking effect at worst and, therefore, they believe that social planning should reflect and respond to the new realities. The American family is not collapsing, the optimists say, but is adapting to new social conditions. The flexibility of the family, therefore, signals that the family is "here to stay."

 

Observations such as these provide interesting perspective and insight on the matter, forcing us to consider the specific social and economic circumstances of family life. But they miss what is really at stake. The discussion over the family, in fact, reflects fundamental differences in the beliefs and world views of the two groups. The issue, then, is not whether the family is failing or surviving. Rather, the discussion is over what the family is in the first place. If the symbolic significance of the family is that it is a microcosm of the larger society, then the task of defining what the American family is becomes vital to the very task of defining America itself. For this reason it is also a task that embraces the future of American political life.

 

Japanese→*1

 

印刷用→TUFS2003Q3.docx

*1:

 多くの点で,家族は文化戦争の最も明らかな紛争の場である。それはまったくの戦場であると主張する者もいるだろう。女性の地位と役割,家庭内暴力の増加,10代の若者の攻撃的行動の増加,適切な幼稚園に対する需要の増大等についての公の討論が,この国の新聞,雑誌,知的刊行物の見出しを毎日のように埋めている。これらの問題に対する賛否両論の大衆デモ,発言,そして声明は,我々の世代の政治史の重要な出来事を特徴づけている。この紛争の場は現代の文化戦争の始まりであり終わりであるのだと,人はひょっとすると言うかもしれない。というのは,家族政策の分野で討論される問題は,他の紛争の場一教育,芸術,法律そして政治一に触れたり,関連したりすらしているからである。

 つまるところは,現代の文化戦争には家族をめぐる闘争以上のもっと多くのものが関わっているかもしれないが,それでも,家庭生活の分野で討論される問題は,より大きな闘争の中核をなし,そしておそらく,闘われている他の闘争にとって決定的なものであるということに,ほとんど疑問の余地はない。

 しかし家族に関する議論を観察する者の大半は,この論争を,家族がどれほど強力なものかについて意見が違っているのだととらえる傾向がある。たとえばある観察者は,この論争を,楽観主義者と悲観主義者の間の論争だと述べた。両者とも,家族が変質しつつあるという点では意見が一致しているが,それでいて彼らは,その変化の程度と意味と結果に関してはっきりと意見が食い違っていると彼は主張した。悲観主義者は,離婚や単親家庭,共働き夫婦,婚外生活をする男女などが増加する傾向を,家族の衰退の徴候とみなす。他方,楽観主義者は,そういった変化を,最もよければ前向きなもの,そして最も悪くても影響はないものとみなす。それゆえ彼らは,社会計画が新たな現実を反映し,それに応えてゆくべきだと信じているのである。アメリカの家庭は崩壊しかけているのではなくて,新たな社会状況に適応しようとしているところなのだと,楽観主義者は言う。家族の柔軟性はそれゆえ,家族は「とどまるべくしてここにある」と合図しているのだ,と。

 これらの観察は,この問題についての興味深い見通しと洞察を提供してくれ,家庭生活の具体的な社会的また経済的状況について我々に考察を余儀なくさせる。しかし、それらの観察(意見・見方)は,何が本当に問題になっているのかを見落としている。家族をめぐる討論は,実は,両者の信念と世界観の基本的な相違点を反映しているのである。ならば問題は,家族が衰退していくのか存続していくのかというものではない。むしろ,家族とはそもそも何なのかということについての議論なのである。もし家族の象徴的意義が,家族はより大きな社会の縮図だということならば,アメリカの家族とは何なのかを定義する作業は,まさしくアメリカそのものを定義するという作業にとって,不可欠となるのだ。このため,それはまたアメリカの政治的生活の将来を包含する作業でもある。

東京外大2003 大問Ⅱ

We human beings of the developed societies have once more been expelled from a garden ― the man-made garden of Euro-American humanism and its ideas about human superiority, uniqueness, and dominance. We have been thrown back into that other garden with all the other animals, insects, and plants, where we can no longer be sure we are so privileged. The walls between "nature" and "culture" begin to crumble as we enter a post-industrial era. Darwinian insights force occidental people, often unwillingly, to acknowledge their literal kinship with the natural world.

 

Environmentalists and ecological scientists are still in the process of reevaluating how to think about, how to create policy with, nature. The professional resource managers of the Forest Service and the Bureau of Land Management have been driven, partly by people of conscience among them, into rethinking their old views regarding land use. (1) [               ]

 

In the more intellectual world of ecological and social theory, people agree less often. Nature writing, environmental history, and ecological philosophy have become subjects of study related to human beings and activities. There are, however, still a few otherwise humane historians and philosophers who still assume that the natural world is primarily a warehouse of materials for humans. That is what the Occident has said and thought for a couple of thousand years.

 

Right now there are two sets of ideas circling about each other. One group, which we could call the "Savers," places value on the extensive preservation of wilderness areas and argues for the importance of the original condition of nature. This view has been tied to the idea that the mature condition of the ecological environment is a stable and diverse state technically called "perfect balance." (2) [             ] . They can be called the "Users." The "Savers'" view is attributed to the Sierra Club* and other leading national organizations, to various "radical environmentalists," and to many environmental thinkers and writers. The "Users'" view, which has a few supporters in the biological sciences, has already become a favorite of the World Bank and those developers who are vexed by the problems associated with legislation that requires protection for creatures whose time and space are running out. It has been quickly taken up by the industry-sponsored "Wise Use" movement.

 

Different as they are, both groups reflect the useful view of nature that has long been a mainstay of occidental thought. The "Savers'" idea of freezing some parts of nature into a permanent picture of "uninhabited wilderness" is also to treat nature like an object, kept in a golden cage. (3)[                  ].

 

   The "Users" on the local level would claim to speak for communities and workers whose dilemma is real enough, but a little research discloses industry funding. (4)[                ].

 

Theoreticians and critics have recently ventured into nature politics. Many of them have sided with the "Users" ― they like to argue that nature is part of history, that human beings are part of nature, that there is little in the natural world that has not already been altered by humans, that in any case our idea of "nature" is a projection of our social condition and that there is no  sense in trying to preserve an imaginary wilderness. (5) [              ]. These positions still fail to come to grips with the question of how to deal with the pain and distress of real beings, plants and animals, as real as suffering humanity―and how to preserve natural variety. The need to protect natural diversity may be economically difficult and socially controversial, but there are strong scientific and practical arguments in support of it, and it is for many of us a profound ethical issue.

 

 

ア.However, to say that the natural world is subject to continual change, that nature is shaped by history, or that our idea of reality is an illusion is not new

 

イ.On the global scale, their supporters line up with huge forces of governments and corporations, and threaten further destruction of local communities and their natural environment

 

ウ.This is a time when scientists, self-taught ecologists from the communities, land management agency experts, and a new breed of ecologically aware workers and farmers are beginning to get together

 

エ.The other position holds that nature is constantly changing, that humans have altered things to the point where there is no "natural condition" left, that there is no reason to value "perfect balance" over any other state of nature, and that human beings are not only part of nature but that they are also dominant over nature and should keep on using and changing it

 

オ.Some preservationists have been insensitive to the problems of native peoples whose home grounds were turned into protected wildlife preserves or parks, or to the difficulties of workers and farmers who lose jobs as land use policies change

 

Japanese→*1

印刷用→TUFS2003Q2.docx

 

*1:

 我々発達した社会の人間は,楽園から再び追放された一欧米の人間至上主義及び,人間の優越と独自性,そして優勢についてのその概念という,人間の作った楽園から。我々は他のすべての動物,昆虫そして植物と共にもう一方の庭に放り戻されたが,そこでは我々はもはや,自分たちに特権があるとの確信が持てない。「自然」と「文化」の間の壁は,我々が脱工業化時代に入るとき,崩れ始める。ダーウィンの洞察は,自然界との密接な関係を西洋人にーしばしば不承不承一認めさせるものである。

 環境保護論者と生態学者たちは,自然をどう考えたらいいのか,自然に関する政策をどう生み出したらいいのかをまだ再評価している最中である。森林局及び土地管理局の専門の資源管理担当者たちは,ひとつにはその良識派によって,土地使用に関する旧来の考え方を再考することを余儀なくされている。今は,科学者や地域社会の独学の環境保護活動家,土地管理庁の専門家,そして新しい種類の生態系認識型労働者と農業経営者が,協力し始めている時代である。

 環境理論や社会理論といった,より知的な世界においては,人々の意見が一致することはもっと少ない。ネイチャーライティング,環境史,エコロジー哲学は,人間とその活動に関連した研究テーマとなった。しかしまだ,自然界を何よりもまず人類にとっての材料庫であるとみなしている,少数の歴史家や哲学者もいる(その他の点では彼らも心優しい連中なのだが)。西洋人は2000年あまりもの間,まさにそのように語り,考えてきたのである。

 現在,2組の考えが互いの周りをぐるぐる回っている。その1つの集団は,「保存者」と呼ぶことができるもので,大自然の広範な保存に価値を置き,自然の本来の状態が重要なのだと主張する。この考え方は,生態系環境の成熟した状態は,専門的には「完全な調和」と呼ばれる,安定した多様な状態であるという考えと結びついている。もう一方の立場は次のように考える。自然は絶えず変化しており,人間は「自然な状態」がまったく残っていない程度まで事態を変えてしまい,「完全な調和」を自然の他のすべての状態よりも評価すべき理由はなく,さらに,人間は単なる自然の一部なのではなく,自然に対して優勢であり,自然を利用し自然を変え続けるべきである,と。彼らは「利用者」と呼ぶことができる。「保存者」の考え方は,シエラクラブとその他の主な国家的組織,さまざまな「急進的環境保護論者」,そして,環境について考えたり書いたりする多くの人間の見解であると考えられる。「利用者」の考え方は,生物学分野に少数の支持者はいるか,すでに世界銀行と,持ち時間及び空間がなくなりつつある生物の保護を要求する法律に関連した問題に苛立っている開発者たちの,お気に入りとなっている。その考え方は,企業が後援する「賢明な資源利用」運動に急速に取り上げられてきている。

 異なってはいるものの,両者は,長年西洋人の考えの柱であった,自然についての有益な考え方を反映している。自然のいくつかの地域を凍結して「無人大自然」を永遠に具現化したものにしようとする「保存者」の考えはまた,自然を黄金の箙の中に保管した物のように扱うことでもある。保護主義者の中には,自分の生活圏が,保護された自然保全区域や公園に変わった先住民の問題や,土地利用の政策が変わったために仕事を失う労働者や農民の苦境に無関心である大たちもいる。

 地域レベルの「利用者」は,板ばさみが現実問題となっている地域社会と労働者を支持することを主張するだろうが,少し調査をすれば,産業への資金提供が明らかになるのである。地球的な規模では,それらの支持者は政府や会社の巨大勢力と提携協力し,地域社会とその自然環境をさらに破壊する恐れがある。

 理論家と評論家は最近,自然を対象とした政治に乗り出した。彼らの多くは「利用者」の側についた。つまり彼らは,こう主張したいのである。自然は歴史の一部であり,人間は自然の一部であり,自然界には人間によってすでに変えられてしまっていない部分はほとんどなく,いかなる場合でも,我々の「自然」についての考えは我々の社会湾勢の投影であり,想像上の大自然を保護しようとしても無意味であると。しかし,自然界は絶えず変化を受けやすいと言うこと,自然は歴史によって形成されると言うこと,あるいは,現実についての我々の考えは幻想であると言うことは,新しいものではない。これらの立場は,苦しんでいる人間と同じくらい現実的な,実存するもの,つまり,植物と動物の苦痛と苦悩をどのようにして解決したらいいのか,そして自然の多槍吐をどのようにして保存したらいいのかという問題にいまだに真剣に取り組んでいない。自然の多様性を保護する必要は,経済的に難しく,社会的論争を招くかもしれないが,その必要性を支持する強力な科学的そして実際的論拠が存在するし,それは我々の多くにとって深遠な倫理的問題なのである。

東京外国語大学 2003 大問Ⅰ

   The benefits which would flow from the existence of a global language are considerable, but some commentators have pointed to possible risks. Perhaps a global language will hasten the disappearance of minority languages, or ― the ultimate threat ― make all other languages unnecessary. That would of course place at risk those minorities who speak them.

 

   Will the emergence of a global language hasten the disappearance of minority languages and cause widespread language death? To answer this question, we must first establish a general perspective. The process of language conquest and loss has been known throughout language history, and exists independently of the emergence of a global language. No one knows how many languages have died since humans became able to speak, but there must be thousands. In many of these cases, the death has been caused by an ethnic group coming to be absorbed within a more dominant society, and adopting its language along with its other social practices. The situation continues today, though the matter is being discussed with increasing urgency because of the unprecedented rate at which native languages are being lost, especially in North America, Brazil, Australia, Indonesia and parts of Africa. Some estimates suggest that perhaps 80 per cent of the world's 6, 000 or so living languages will die out within the next century.

 

   The emergence of any one language as global, however, has little to do with this unhappy state of affairs. Recently, the emergence of English as a truly global language has, if anything, had the reverse effect ― stimulating a stronger response in support of a local language than might otherwise have been the case. Movements for language rights, alongside civil rights in general, have played an important role in several countries: the Maori language in New Zealand, the aboriginal languages of Australia, the Native American languages of Canada and the USA, and some of the Celtic languages. Although often too late, in certain instances the decline of a language has been slowed, and occasionally halted.

 

   The existence of vigorous movements in support of language minorities, commonly associated with nationalism, illustrates an important truth about the nature of language in general. The need for mutual understanding, which is part of the argument in favor of a global language, is only one side of the story. The other side is the need for identity, and people tend to underestimate the role of identity when they express anxieties about language injury and death. Language is a major means of showing where we belong, and of distinguishing one social group from another.

 

   Arguments about the need for national or cultural identity are often seen as being opposed to those about the need for mutual understanding. But this is misleading. It is perfectly possible to develop a situation in which understanding and identity happily co-exist. This situation is the familiar one of bilingualism, but it is a bilingualism where one of the speaker's two languages is a global language, providing access to the world community. The two functions can be seen as complementary, responding to different needs. And it is because the functions are so different that a world of language variety can continue to exist in a world united by a common language.

 

   None of this is to deny that the development of a global language can influence the structure and most assuredly the vocabulary of other languages.  A global language provides, for example, a fresh source of borrowed words for use by these other languages. Such influences can be welcomed, in which case, people talk about their language being "varied" or "enriched," or opposed, in which case, the metaphors are those of "injury" or "death." For example, in recent years, one of the healthiest languages, French, has tried to protect itself by law against what is widely perceived to be the malignant influence of English. In official contexts, it is now illegal to use an English word where a French word already exists, even though the usage may have widespread popular support: computer for ordinateur. Patriotic speakers from several other countries have also expressed concern with the way in which English vocabulary, especially that of American English, has come to be used on their streets and on their TV programs.

 

   The arguments are carried on with great emotional force. Even though only a tiny part of the vocabulary is ever affected in this way, that is enough to arouse the anger of the patriotic speakers. They often forget that English itself, over the centuries, has borrowed thousands of words from other languages, and constructed thousands more from the elements of other languages ― including computer, incidentally, which derives from Latin, the mother language of French. Few languages are as "pure" or uncorrupted by foreign words as their defenders believe.

 

Japanese→*1

 

印刷用→TUFS2003Q1.docx

*1:

地球語が存在していることから生じるであろう利益はかなりのものだが,危険な面もあり得ることを指摘してきた論者もいる。おそらく地球語は少数言語の消滅を早めるか,あるいは一最大の脅威であるが一他のすべての言語を不必要なものにする恐れがある。もちろんもしそんなことになれば,それらの言語を話す少数民族は危機にさらされることになるだろう。

 地球語の出現は少数言語の消滅を早め,広範囲にわたる言語の死を引き起こすのだろうか。この問いに答えるために,我々はまず大局的な見方を確立しなければならない。言語の征服と消滅のプロセスは,言語の歴史全体を通して知られており,しかもその過程は地球語の出現とは無関係に存在する。人類が言葉を話せるようになって以来,どれくらいの数の言語が消滅してきたのか,だれにもわからないが,何千もの数になるに違いない。これらの事例の多くにおいては,ある民族集団が,より優勢な社会に吸収され,その社会の言語を他の社会既習とともに採り入れることによって,言語の死が引き起こされてきた。その状況は今日でも続いている。もっとも,特に北アメリカやブラジル,オーストラリア,インドネシアそしてアフリカの各地域では,その土地の言語が失われていく先例のない速さのために,事態はますます緊急に議論されているのだが。いくつかの試算によると,世界で使用されている6000ほどの言語のおそらく80パーセントが,来世紀の内に消滅すると示唆されている。

 しかし地球語としてのいかなる言語の出現も,この不幸な事態とはほとんど関係がない。近年,真の地球語としての英語の出現は,むしろ,逆の効果を及ぼしてきた。つまり,英語が出現しなかった場合に生じたかもしれない事態以上に,地域の言語を守ろうとする反応を刺激したのである。言語権を求める運動は,一般の市民権とともに,いくつもの国で重要な役割を果たしてきた。ニュージーランドマオリ語,オーストラリアのアボリジニの諸言語,カナダとアメリカの先住民の諸言語,そしてケルト語のいくつか。すでに手遅れの場合も多いが,言語の衰退が緩やかになり,ときには食い止められた例もある。

 少数派言語を支持しようとする活発な運動の存在は,一般にナショナリズムを連想させるが,これは言語の性質一般についての重要な真実を明らかにしている。相互理解の必要性は,地球語を支持する主張の一部であるが,それは話の一方の側面に過ぎない。もうひとつの側面はアイデンティティの必要性であるが,人は言語の損傷と死についての不安を表明するとき,アイデンティティの役割を過小評価しがちである。言語は我々がどこに帰属しているのかを示し,さらに,ある社会集団を他の集団と区別する主要な手段である。

 国家あるいは文化のアイデンティティの必要性についての主張はしばしば,相互理解の必要性の主張に対立するものとみなされる。しかしこれは誤解である。理解とアイデンティティが幸せに共存する状況を作り出していくことは,完全に可能である。これはおなじみのバイリンガルの状況であるが,それは,話し手が使う2カ国語の内の1つが地球語であり,国際社会へのアクセスを提供してくれるようなバイリンガルの状態である。この2つの機能は相補的で,異なった必要性に応えてくれるものとみなすことができる。そして,この2つの機能が非常に異なっているからこそ,共通語によって統一された世界でも言語的に多様な世界が存続し続けることができるのである。

 (とはいえ,)このことは,地球語の発達が,他の言語の構造と,最も確実には他言語の語いに影響を及ぼしうるということを否定するものではない。地球語はたとえば,これら他言語が使用するための新たな借用語源を供給してくれる。そのような影響は歓迎されることもあり,その場合,人々は自分たちの言語が「変化した」とか「豊かになった」ことについて語る,またあるいは,そのような影響は反対されることもあり,その場合は,使用される隠喩は「損傷」とか「死」といったものになる。たとえば,近年では最も健全な言語の1つであるフランス語は,英語の有害な影響と広く認められているものから自らを法律によって守ろうとしてきた。公式の文書の中では,フランス語がすでに存在しているものに英単語を使用することは,現在は違法である。たとえその用法が広く一般の支持を得ているとしても(たとえば, ordinateurという語があるのにcomputerを使用するというように)。他の数力国の愛国的話者もまた,英語の語い,特にアメリカ英語の語いが自国の街やテレビ番組で使われるようになった事態に懸念を表明してきた。

 この議論を続行させるのは,感情に基づいた大きな力である。このようにして影響を受けるのは,語いのほんの一部でしかないものの,愛国的な話し手の怒りを喚起するには十分である。彼らはしばしば,英語そのものも,何世紀にもわたって他の言語から幾千もの単語を借用し,他の言語の要素からは, computerを含むさらに何千もの語を組み立ててきたことを忘れている。ついでながら, computerという語はフランス語の母体語であるラテン語に由来している。擁護論者たちが思いこんでいるほど「純粋」であったり,外国語によって乱れたりしていない言語はほとんどないのである。